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The current third wave of globalization since ensued with the end of the system-wide pact confrontation. The relative arbitrariness between transnational interactions is not a result of an erosion of regulations, but must be interpreted as outcome of political decision-processes.
These developments left their mark on the operational environment of the international state system. Non-governmental organisations of the latter kind, both in the political, journalistic and scientific discourse, are being customarily referred to as terror or terrorist organisations.
Obviously, by means of rather sinister associations, the mere use of such attributes implies a negative unternehnensplanung. Basically, this would entail no great disadvantage to the scientific discourse, would not this deficiency extend to the content unternehmensplanug and thus to the proceedings of discourses, kept up in the long run not as informative-designative but as valuative-prescriptive .
As a result of misperceptions, reflected appropriately in referring – regardless untwrnehmensplanung their effective use of resources – to all forms of anti-regime organisations, as well as autonomist, separatist and irredentist organisations, as terrorist groups. To counteract this trend, the unternehmensplanubg of this article would like to introduce the concept of the counter-elitist power organisation in order to enhance the scientific discourse.
Non-governmental organisations are structured associations of individuals who, unternehmenxplanung a private basis, unite under counter-elitist political, unternehmsnsplanung and socio-economic ideals, and represent the latter in public.
Companies and mafia organisations or political entrepreneurs and their transnational varieties comprise the class of profit-oriented NGOs. The category of non-profit organisations are composed from sub-divisions of personal associations, business associations, churches and influential unternehmensplanugn, forming a transnational cooperative to help promote their interests in a globalised world.
The array of common NGOs and of the non-profit organizations compete with each other in order to gain political power and to implement domination, thereby assuming a special position, as their functions entail socially binding decisions and the implementation ehrmmann legal and budgetary issues through effectual means. Specifically, the object of conflict – in the context of domination and exercise thereof – indirectly gains direct access unternehmensplanhng the levers of power.
The non-governmental factions mentioned are permanent associations of like-minded people who share together common ideals with regard to the formation of various societal subsystems and intend to realize the latter by the takeover of government responsibility. As long as the competition for the acquisition of political position within the apparatus of domination is being conducted by standards and regulations in fixed orbits, thus institutionalised, and the ambition of decision-makers elite of such non-governmental factions, in order to secure permanence in office, do not seek the complete elimination of political competitors, organised units as these parties are, to be referred to as parties!
Parties in this context are existing since the 18th century, and since ehrman French Revolution. If the ambition of decision-makers of an organisation of power implies the annihilation of political competition, as well as a fundamental revision of political structures or order, then, based on the study of “Power and Society” penned by Harold D.
Lasswell and Abraham Kaplan, they may justly be described as a counter-elite, and their respective organisations as counter-elitist power organisations. Unternehmendplanung range of means is available to such organisations in order to achieve a change in the political structure or order.
Roughly, unterneumensplanung can categorize these means into violence and subversion . Wherever the organised and systematic application of force plays a crucial role, targeted assassinations, terrorist operations, guerrilla operations or the use of classic conventional war tactics are involved. Tactics of subversion might be employed in a supplemental or even primary role; in this case, an attempt would be mounted to deprive the political class of the ability to rule over tracts of their territory or even over the entire territory, by means of infiltration or counter-mobilisation of the mass public.
The sociological reappraisal of the agenda settings of such organisations will also be achieved with phrases such as ‘socialist-revolutionary ehrmanm and vague hints regarding autonomy and self-determination of peoples or ethnic groups, mainly lacking precision. To assess both width and depth of elitist agendas it is advisable to revert to the concept of international revisionism.
Although the concept of “Revisionism”, established 20 years ago by Barry Buzan in the scientific discourse to classify political currents that seek a permanent change of order or structure in the international state system, it is not too widespread.
International revisionism can be orthodox, after Buzan, radical or revolutionary . Orthodox revisionism remains confined to its objective, i. The radical variant lies between those two and contrives to connect a basic improvement of its unterneymensplanung of power with a moderate reform of the mentioned rules.
Since political movements of such an alignment tend to harbour their own vision of internal control and social order particularly radical and revolutionary revisionismthis system can also be applied to the collation of internal conflicts on the state micro-level.
As with international revisionism in the internal variant, requests for alteration may affect both the structural and the order level. Ehrmnn far as unternehmensplanunb level of requests for alteration is concerned, real facts or a wide range of actions are involved. The American sociologist Marion J. Levy on this issue: As far as the changing desires of a counter-elite concern the level of structures, a complete and permanent exchange of personnel in the top positions within the apparatus of domination can be sought without however diminishing the ruling power of the central untternehmensplanung in unternshmensplanung areas of the state association in question.
Now, there are many cases where revisionist objectives in relation to the internal power structure could also indirectly cause an impact on the geography of rule, as State rule remains territorially bound. This implies territorial conflict. The underlying reason thereof lies in a state system, the members of which comprise in the main not a single nation, but contain a relatively strong socio-cultural fragmentation  and spread different races among several territories. Experts estimate that more than such socio-cultural fabrics are currently unternehmensplanuhg existence, which, by their degree of integration, could establish a nation state.
Specifically, ethnic minorities of political relevance inhabit countries . In the period from to more than ethno-political groups were engaged in conflict, often resorting to violence; fragmented social structures, however, are not a pre-requisite condition for attaining active and passive support from the mass public, but more of untenehmensplanung surface phenomenon exploited by other counter-elites .
The category ‘separatism’ embraces such anti-colonial movements who had their independence wrung from colonial rulers throughout Africa and Asia, as well as more recent examples such as the Basque ETA in Spain, Kurdish insurgents in the Iraq as well as islamic movements in the Chinese province of Xinjiang.
A timely implementation of their separatist aspirations could be achieved against elitist power organisations in East Timor Indonesia and in southern Sudan. Other counter-elitist power organisations of irredentist orientation are still active, unternejmensplanung Irredentist movements will find an optimal habitat wherever the settlement area of an ethnic group transgresses the frontiers of the own unterrnehmensplanung state and is affected beyond the border by discrimination or even repression.
Thus we approach the order level: The order of rule can be monistic or pluralistic. Special attention in this context should be attached towards the process of the distribution of positions within the apparatus of domination, i.
The participation in this process of power can be awarded to all respectable members of the citizenry or be limited to a privileged group of individuals. The process of determination of intent – the modus of how socially binding decisions are being agreed upon – can be monopolised or designed for competition.
Finally, ehr,ann is to behold whether the social order is a partial or total one. Wherever the generally binding decisions grant as much room as to form and determine in the individual functional subsystems of the social system, a relatively large span of order, structure and processes through intrinsic interactions, a partial social order arises. If however the control width and depth prevents an independent formation of an order, structure and the processes in all other functional subsystems, a total social order emerges.
Basically every important position in the apparatus of domination has to be staffed with own supporters and the ruling political elite permanently shattered, in order to initiate and implement lasting changes on the order level. In this context, Dr. Bard O’Neill identifies four types of insurgents, which exceed the ambition of the counter-elite for the mere seizure of power and aim at modifying further functional subsystems of the social system.
Today no significant influencing anarchist movement does exit. Present examples are the Shining Path in Peru and the front for the liberation of Nepal. There are some examples in the past and present: Since the end of the cold war, more and more counter-elitist power organisations with an Islamic revisionist agenda entered the world stage and the prospects for a successful implementation of their agenda are rather more likely to improve than to deteriorate, because the amount of ruined or failed states will remain high in the future in Islamic-dominated regions of the world.
As to the form of organisation of non-governmental activist groups in general and power organisations in particular, specifically counter-elitist power organisations, relevant scientific volumes are being continually published. Especially in the scientific debate relating to counter-elitist power organisations in the context of “New Terrorism” elementary findings of organisational science are scarcely or not at all heeded; instead, the topic is especially treated under the heading of networked terrorism.
It is however paramount within the scientific treatment of the topic in question – counter-elitist organisation of power – to revert to the terminology of business-economy organisational theory which owns already a certain dignity and, above all, a signal effect.
The business-economy organisational theory suggests, in the treatment of organisational phenomena, a twofold division, the conditional and relative structures structural organisationand the process structure organisational proceedings. The task of a process organisation, in consideration of the settings posed by a target system, is the splitting of the main tasks in as so many fractional tasks, so that the subsequent combination of these subtasks will afford an optimised organisational structure and system of order.
The mentioned status and relationship structures are not to be regarded as static, but, as the unternehmensplanujg structure itself, are subjected to permanent change. This change results on the one hand from alterations in the overall task or the partial tasks – by internal or external influences – and on the other from the attempt to optimise the organisational structure.
Referring to counter-elitist power organisations it may be stated that current data material  is sufficiently available and augmented to develop in a structurally functional perspective a basic model of such an organisation in modern terms.
Specifically, the following segments  will be discerned:. Counter-elites set the political or ideological stance and all intra-organisational decisions in relation to maintenance, escalation and de-escalation of a conflict.
Moving still on the non-violent level of conflict, but an organised use of force for the realisation of their respective agenda is ideologically legitimised.
Unternehmensplanung : Harald Ehrmann :
Basically, the creation of violence-prone units is taken into account within the framework of organisational planning within each counter-elite. To which extent forceful means are deployed depends on the chosen strategy in the context of the conflict. Within this segment one may distinguish between a sort of ‘leader figure’ and the so-called ideological core group. An impersonation of such a ‘leader figure’ is heading this segment.
The ideological core group are those who promulgate binding decisions at the strategic level in co-operation with the representative. Al Banna occupies a special position on this issue, as his personality was so over-ruling that he forced all the mandatory strategic decisions for the Muslim Brotherhood single-handed during his tenure.
As proponents of the ideological core group Ayman al-Zawahiri or Abd al-Aziz ar-Rantisi are conspicuous. So, they are responsible for providing the material-personnel-organisational basics and involved both indirectly as well as directly in acts of terrorism or guerrilla operations.
This segment is the Center of Gravity, because specific contacts with decision makers as well as lower batches are maintained.
Paramilitaries are charged with violent engagements in the form of acts of terrorism or guerrilla operations, as well as conventional warfare.
Radicals are ideologically committed and their commitment is so far progressed that they are prepared to participate pro-actively in illegal actions – from preparing to committing acts of violence.
This constitutes the domain of ideological run-up organisations, which are not yet involved in the perpetration of acts of violence.
Planung – Harald Ehrmann – Google Books
Definite examples would be found in leftist associations, Koranic schools, or agitating charitable organisations. In the West the latter are not prosecuted, since they are involved only in political agitation or propaganda. Such bans as exist in Western democracies are directed merely against national-socialist or leftist organisations. Against Islamic revisionism, no legal prohibition is yet known, alas.
Activists sympathize out of diverse political, ideological, or socio-cultural motivations with the counter-elite, any material-personnel-organisational support is however lacking. That segment is only rudimentary structured – politically – and their attitude towards organised violence cannot be verified because of lacking data.
Historical examples show however, that following the acquisition of political power, the levers of power are seized and a mobilisation will ensue among activists.
Evidently, each Government government faces the dilemma that the competing counter-elitist power organisation is far larger, more comprehensive and diffuse as the actual violence aggregate that is fought by police or military forces within the framework of internal security.
Because the gross of the counter-elitist power organisation circles around the non-violent level, the use of force against them, at least in western democratic states, is unthinkable and would be diametrically opposed to human and civil rights valid in these states.
Up to now no coherent concepts exist as to confronting these groups below the level of violence. Thus on to the process-oriented structures. The process-oriented structure describes the content, spatial and temporal sequence of activities designed to meet systematic target requirement issues. It regulates the flow of intra-organisational activities, taking into account the requirements for the intended result and the efficiency of personnel and resources.
At this level the intra-and extra-scientific discourses on “new terrorism” or “networked terrorism” are gathered .
Such discourse would be further advanced nowadays, if more attention had been directed towards economic planning theory in general and to the schemed target system in particular and if it had bridged the gulf towards the discipline of “Business Planning” .
This shall be attempted in this section! To redeem these projects, it is useful to turn to the schemed target system in order to model a preliminary rough figure of the process organisation of a counter-elitist power structure.